China has orchestrated a multifaceted campaign against the West, employing a triad of strategies: advanced artificial intelligence (AI) systems like MIMIC, the proliferation of synthetic drugs, and cultural subversion. These efforts are facilitated through strategic infrastructure investments, particularly in ports and railways, enabling China to infiltrate and influence critical nodes of Western societies.

Synthetic Drugs and Strategic Docks: A Two-Front Assault on the West

The fentanyl crisis is not just a public health emergency — it is a calculated chemical assault on the stability of the West. Synthetic opioids, primarily manufactured in China or trafficked with Chinese logistical support, have swept through Western countries like a silent plague. These substances have ravaged communities, caused hundreds of thousands of deaths, strained healthcare systems, overwhelmed law enforcement, and fractured families and towns. While often treated as a domestic drug problem, the reality is more sinister: the flow of fentanyl is part of a broader geopolitical campaign to weaken the moral and structural integrity of Western societies from within.

But this chemical infiltration is only one front. Parallel to this devastation is China’s calculated expansion across global maritime infrastructure. Around the world, Chinese state-owned or affiliated companies — including shipping titan COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company) — have established significant footholds in key maritime gateways. From Asia and Africa to Europe and Latin America, China controls or holds substantial stakes in dozens of key ports. While it currently does not control any U.S. ports outright, its presence is deeply embedded through long-term leases, commercial operations, and logistical access.

One of the most notable flashpoints occurred in 2012, when Orient Overseas International Line (OOIL), a company later acquired by COSCO, secured a major lease to operate the Long Beach Container Terminal (LBCT) in California—a crucial node in American trade and dangerously close to military assets. President Trump, recognizing the strategic implications of Chinese control over such infrastructure, pushed back. In 2019, under mounting pressure from his administration and the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS), COSCO was forced to divest from LBCT. The terminal was ultimately sold to Macquarie Infrastructure Partners, an American firm, marking a rare instance of China’s global port strategy being reversed.

How the Drugs Flow: Port Access, Logistics, and the Strategic Infiltration of Fentanyl

The deadly flow of synthetic opioids like fentanyl into the United States is not a random accident of criminal enterprise—it is a byproduct of a deeply strategic infrastructure web that China has been weaving for over two decades. While many in Washington continue to downplay or ignore the significance of port access and terminal leasing agreements, the reality is stark: Chinese state-owned enterprises now hold partial or complete operating stakes in some of the most critical maritime entry points into the United States, giving them a front-row seat—and in some cases, backstage access—to the nation’s supply chains.

At the Port of Seattle, Chinese interests established an operational beachhead as early as 2008. That year, China Shipping Lines, a subsidiary of China COSCO Shipping Corporation, expanded its role by shifting operations from Terminal 18 to Terminal 30. This transition included a partnership between China Shipping Terminals and SSA Terminals, a joint venture of Seattle-based SSA Marine and Matson Navigation Co. The goal, at least officially, was to increase cargo volume and efficiency. But in practice, it meant that a Chinese state-owned entity had embedded itself into a vital logistics artery serving the Pacific Northwest. This region later saw significant rises in fentanyl-related overdoses.

Down the coast in Los Angeles, COSCO Shipping Ports holds a stake in the West Basin Container Terminal, another linchpin in the trans-Pacific trade network. The Port of Los Angeles, already among the busiest in the nation, handles colossal volumes of cargo from Asia—cargo that moves through complex networks often shielded by the fog of sheer volume and regulatory lag. The presence of Chinese capital and management in such nodes grants them not only visibility into cargo flows but potential influence over what gets moved, when, and how closely it’s inspected. With fentanyl precursors and finished products often hidden within legitimate shipments—sometimes mixed with industrial materials or labeled as benign chemicals—this type of port-side influence becomes more than a commercial asset; it becomes a national vulnerability.

In Houston, Texas, China Merchants Port Holdings—another major Chinese state-owned enterprise—has established a quieter but equally strategic position. Their investment in terminal operations at the Port of Houston is another demonstration of China’s broader pattern of embedding within logistics hubs under the guise of economic partnership. Houston’s port system connects directly with inland trucking and rail corridors that stretch across the American South and Midwest, regions that the opioid epidemic has also ravaged.

Together, these investments create a web of influence and logistical access that, while legally sanctioned and often tied to joint ventures with U.S. companies, raises critical questions about security, oversight, and strategic control. The Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS) has indeed scrutinized some of these deals. Still, many were approved before the full scope of China’s long-term strategy became evident. The problem isn’t merely that China owns stakes in U.S. port terminals; it’s that these footholds can be used to mask, facilitate, or ignore the illicit movement of synthetic drugs with devastating consequences.

Fentanyl is not being airdropped into American towns—it’s being shipped, trucked, and trafficked in ways that exploit weaknesses in customs enforcement, port oversight, and bureaucratic coordination. With hundreds of thousands of containers passing through these terminals each month, even the smallest logistical blind spot can be enough to inject ruin into entire communities. And when those blind spots are managed—at least in part—by companies with ties to the Chinese Communist Party, the line between economic cooperation and covert warfare becomes dangerously thin.

Thus, the fentanyl crisis is not simply a matter of law enforcement; it is a matter of national security. The ports in Seattle, Los Angeles, and Houston are not just trade gateways—they are battlegrounds. And every shipment that slips through undetected isn’t just a tragedy; it’s a stark reminder that America’s infrastructure has been quietly compromised, one container at a time.

Here’s how it works:

When Chinese state-owned enterprises like COSCO or China Merchants Port Holdings hold partial ownership or operational partnerships in U.S. ports (such as Seattle, Los Angeles, and Houston), they gain access to internal cargo logisticscontrol over loading and unloading schedules, and even influence over inspection prioritization—particularly when shipments are buried within thousands of containers. These ports are massive operations, and customs inspections are conducted on a spot-check basis due to limited resources and an overwhelming volume.

Even if U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) is technically in charge of screening, port operators control key aspects of the physical space, equipment, scheduling, and routing of containers. If the operator also owns part of the terminal, they can shape logistics and provide cover for suspicious cargo by using the complexity of international manifests, transshipments, or mislabeled chemicals.

This ownership also offers visibility into U.S. shipping patterns, supply chains, and law enforcement habits—all of which can be exploited by criminal networks operating under Beijing’s indirect umbrella or working in tandem with North Korean proxies like MIMIC (used for electronic interference, impersonator communications, and disinformation).

Bottom line:

China’s role as a port operator gives it the ability to insert fentanyl and precursors into the U.S. through legitimate commercial channels that it helps manage. That’s how the drugs get in—not through secrecy, but through systemic exploitation of the legal infrastructure that Chinese entities helped build or now partially control.

Declaration of War by Poison: A National Security Emergency

I want to see President Trump make this declaration—formally, and without hesitation. Now that the Supreme Court has ruled state judges cannot obstruct federal enforcement, the path is clear. What we are facing is not a drug crisis—it’s a war. One waged in powder, trafficked through compromised supply chains, and engineered by foreign actors who fully understand what they’re doing. This isn’t about addiction. It’s about annihilation.

Fentanyl is not simply killing Americans—it’s hollowing us out. It overwhelms law enforcement, collapses families, chokes our healthcare system, and pacifies entire generations into silence. This didn’t happen by accident. It is a targeted chemical assault, an asymmetric offensive designed to destabilize the United States from within. And it’s working. This is an asymmetric assault.

We now know where it’s coming from—China’s pharmaceutical precursors and laundering pipelines, often routed through cartel networks using maritime infrastructure the Chinese themselves partially control or influence. This isn’t paranoia; it’s policy. Chinese state-owned enterprises have embedded themselves into critical port infrastructure from Seattle to Houston under the guise of commerce, while our leaders looked away in the name of trade.

The legal mechanisms to respond exist. Under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA), the President of the United States has full authority to declare this invasion—yes, invasion-of synthetic chemical weapons-a national security emergency. That declaration would allow the federal government to:

  • Suspend or terminate foreign-controlled port leases.
  • Sanction Chinese shipping and logistics companies complicit in the trafficking chain.
  • Freeze U.S.-based assets linked to the fentanyl supply line.
  • Treat fentanyl importation as a foreign hostile act, not a domestic policing matter.

If we continue to treat this solely as a health crisis, we will lose. But if we name it for what it is—a proxy war of destruction—then and only then can we act accordingly. The tools are already in place. The question is whether we dare to use them.

This declaration cannot stand alone. It must trigger a full-spectrum reckoning. Every harbor commissioner, airport authority, public-private partnership executive, governor, and mayor who enabled these leases—whether by negligence, greed, or complicity—must be held to account. The CCP should never have been granted physical or digital access to our infrastructure, yet it happened under their watch. These port and airport contracts, often buried in legalese and presented as economic development, are in truth a Trojan horse that compromises national sovereignty. We need a comprehensive federal investigation with forensic audits of every deal, every back-channel payment, and every foreign-tied LLC. Because this isn’t just about fentanyl, it’s about infiltration. It’s about ports, data, logistics, and ultimately, control.

SIDENOTE

In addition, Senator Ted Cruz should be called out, not just for failing as a representative of national security interests, but for failing Texas itself. Time and again, when the state faces disaster, he’s nowhere to be found, choosing vacation over duty. And on the federal stage, his dismissal of low-altitude drones as irrelevant to FAA oversight shows either dangerous ignorance or willful negligence. That specific altitude range is precisely where China’s drone surveillance and disruption capabilities are most effective. For a senator from a border state, whose skies and infrastructure are uniquely vulnerable, this kind of posture is not just unacceptable—it’s disqualifying.

If you like my work, you can tip or support me via TIP ME or subscribe to me on Subscribestar! You can also follow and subscribe to me on Rumble and Locals or subscribe to my Substack. I am 100% people-funded. www.toresays.com

TIP ME

Digital Dominion Series is now on Amazon: VOLUME IVOLUME II, and Volume III – and Pre-order for Digital Dominion Volume IV is now on sale.

Leave a Reply

Sign Up for Our Newsletters

Subscribe to newsletters to get latest posts in your email.